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The Provisional Government, however, continued to struggle desperately to keep together an empire that was falling apart.
#Awakening of the rebellion units free#
Looking to the example of the Ukraine, the Muslims of Central Asia began to demand free self-determination. It banned the actions of the Rada, forbid a conference of Ukrainian soldiers and eventually refused to honor its own concession of recognizing the Rada as the official organ of the Ukrainian people.īut this wasn't the end of the national question. It also called for territorial autonomy.īut in the Russian capital of Petrograd, the Provisional Government that took power after February remained committed to defending the interests of the bourgeoisie and limiting the extent of democracy. In March 1917, the Ukrainian Rada (national assembly) voted for Ukrainian to be taught in schools. The poor peasants of these areas might fight under the banner of nationalism, but as Trotsky wrote, "their nationalism was only the outer shell of an immature Bolshevism." Thus, the oppression of the peasantry went hand in hand with national oppression.Īmong the lower classes in all the colonized areas, a fight for national independence was raised along with the general awakening of the human spirit brought about by the revolution. In Volga, the Caucuses and Central Asia, for example, land was seized from tribes like the Bashkirs and Kirghiz, and given to wealthy Russians.
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In most of these places, peasants suffered under landlords drawn from the ruling classes of the stronger nations. As Leon Trotsky later wrote in his History of the Russian Revolution, nationalism, tied up with the agrarian question, had been latent in areas like the Ukraine-and was released by the explosion of the February revolution. Especially by the time of the First World War, the bourgeoisie-traditional leaders of independence movements-in the colonies had become so weak and compromised by their relationship to imperialism that they could never lead a progressive struggle.īut the revolution in Russia showed another dynamic at work. She argued that socialists should oppose nationalism in Poland, the Ukraine and other nations under the Tsarist yoke.įor internationalists, Luxemburg argued, national liberation was a backward-looking idea. ONE POINT of view was given voice by the Polish revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg. How would the Russian Revolution affect this vast empire? Should the nations oppressed by the Tsar have the right to self-determination? These questions were related intimately to the issue of land ownership-and hotly contested in the socialist movement. There were hundreds of laws to restrict the rights of Jews and make them second-class citizens. In addition, Jews and other ethnic minorities spread throughout "Great Russia" suffered pogroms and persecution. WHEN RUSSIA'S Tsar was toppled by the revolution of February 1917, his empire had a population that was 43 percent Russian and 57 percent non-Russian.Ī majority of people-in Poland, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, modern-day Belarus, the Ukraine, Georgia, Turkish Azerbaijan and Central Asia-lived under an occupation by a government whose language and laws were not their own.